By: Pedro Corzo - 19/11/2023Guest columnist.
The capacity of insular totalitarianism, despite its long agony, to develop strategies that to some extent extend its existence, is truly remarkable, a reality that is evidenced by the call for a IV Conference on the nation and emigration, two concepts that dictatorship interprets at its convenience.
We must not lose sight of the fact that Castroism, in this and previous Conferences, continues to claim representation of the Nation, which leads us to remember that Fidel Castro, from the very day of the insurrectional victory, January 1, 1959, made He publicly announced his intention to synthesize the nation and its government in his person, as if he were a kind of trinity that symbolized the most transcendental, the Homeland.
Castroism, when it suited it politically, galvanized its supporters by selecting those who went abroad and the opponents, as the enemy to hate. Yes, hate. A simple act like leaving your country in search of a better life was classified as treason and the traitor could not give away his property if he owned it. These were confiscated and they were warned that they could not return to the abandoned paradise.
Without a doubt, this manipulation of the environment, until it turns it into a lie, has paid off greatly. A notable part of the population voluntarily joined the regime, while another sector, no less relevant, confronted it or decided to leave the country, with all the official repudiation that both actions implied.
The last straw. A revolutionary could not correspond with an exile, particularly if he resided in the United States. I remember, a woman who told her tearful sister, “don't write to us because that could harm us,” however, a few months later, she was asking for assistance through their mother. This double standard of her followers has always been that of the rulers.
The propaganda apparatus of the regime worked intensely on the population to incorporate into the popular creed the certainty that Fidel, the Revolution and Cuba were the same, so much so that the supreme dictator said, “Revolution is unity, it is independence, it is fighting for our dreams of justice for Cuba and for the world, which is the basis of our patriotism, our socialism and our internationalism.”
Those first Conferences were aimed at dividing the exiles from the migratory mass that did not manifest itself politically. In those times, potential aid did not matter; anyone who left the Island, unless he showed repentance and collaborated with the government, was still an enemy.
Then, the dictatorship believed that it could be self-sufficient and that the population was willing to starve for the dreams of its pharaoh.
From now on other rules will apply. Exiles may become emigrants if they are willing to rehabilitate themselves by investing in Cuba. Of course you should not worry that conditions in the country are more chaotic than when you left it, and that your assets may be confiscated by decree, due to the chronic lack of legal security.
Trusting the Cuban regime is a big mistake. The mental structure of its leaders has only known advantageousness, hence they exchanged national sovereignty for multimillion-dollar Soviet subsidies and, once the USSR was exhausted, they associated themselves with a military coup plotter until they bankrupted Venezuela.
Throughout these more than six decades, the regime has squandered billions of dollars, without forgetting that a good part of this fortune was squandered by the heirs of the ruling class or is found in the bank accounts of corrupt officials.
That money not only comes from Soviet and Venezuelan funds. There is also “money” from foreign investors who trusted the promises of Castroism, particularly from Spanish businessmen, although they had their investments guaranteed by Madrid, a condition that emigrants who invest will not have.
The Castro-Diaz Canel government only seeks to survive. The principles went to the dustbin of history, as the top leader liked to say. Yesterday's enemies become allies if they are able to pay the toll assigned to them. For Castroism, even during the life of its commander, everything has a price, which many of us are not willing to pay.
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