The possibility of an alphabet to restore democracy
By: Luis Beltrán Guerra G. - 09/11/2025
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It doesn't seem unreasonable to argue that a decisive majority knows what democracy is and what its role is. But it is also true that a large number of people think it could come to an end, citing, among other things, these circumstances:
1. Democracy derives from the combination of two Greek words meaning "people" and "government," and is the result of the conception of three new and pure forms: "monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy," the latter being the most deeply rooted and thus coming to be known as "government of the people." This system is based on the presumption of "a society of citizens, recognized as having political rights." The mechanism for exercising popular power is "suffrage," since "the people are the holders of sovereignty," a power "recognized as the existential source of the legal order of a potential state." And with respect to which "no power shall be admitted superior."
2. A particular argument, but one that should not be overlooked, concerns the so-called “rebellion of the masses,” justified by a kind of “eternal wait” for well-being, to which the people are entitled in an “efficient democracy.” This refers to a movement that led to a kind of exponential attempt at achieving supposed stages of well-being, a consequence of the recognition of political, economic, and social rights for the benefit of broad sectors of the population. This argument, at least theoretically, aims to assert that “the power of the people” would extend beyond the form of government. Is this, as some have wondered, a propensity toward what is rationally just, or rather a strategy of a corrupt will? The question for the skeptics: “a very considerable mass of people today, often compact and, at times, even disorderly or boisterous,”
3. In the Caracas newspaper El Nacional, historian Carlos E. Aponte refers to the mixture of “populism, a way of doing politics based on the idea that we are divided between 'the people' (virtuous and oppressed) and 'the elite' (corrupt and the enemy of the former), a message that fuels the custom of winning popular favor through flattery,” that is to say, “demagoguery.” This mixture, harmful from any perspective, becomes, for Aponte, “demagogic populism,” for whom this essay contributes to a heightened and increasingly intense questioning of democracy, the very democracy championed by the minority. Therefore, amidst this dilemma, the following question arises:
1. Will democracy die out or can it be saved?
2. Will democracy itself be able to distance itself from populism and demagoguery?
3. What mechanisms should be put in place to dismantle such deviations?
It is in this context that a kind of “ABC” seems to make sense regarding what must be done for the sake of “efficient government,” the only possibility for a “truly effective democracy” (democracy, as we read, is valued not only for quick decision-making, but for long-term efficiency based on legitimacy, accountability, the protection of rights, and sustainable human development). In an attempt to compile the articles, both literal and numerical, of this supposed “primer,” prudence seems to suggest:
1. A constituent assembly, the sovereign power to order the public affairs of the State by means of a constitution, made up of deputies with the suitability for the role to be performed, elected by the people in universal and secret ballot (with regard to Venezuela it would not be inappropriate to review the material that the engineer Enrique Colmenares Finol, Minister in the last government of President Carlos Andrés Pérez, has carried with him, in conjunction with prominent politicians and personalities of the Venezuelan events, with respect to “the constituent need”,
2. An updated Magna Carta, of significant use in those countries where, like Venezuela, it cannot be denied that “arbitrary custom” has crushed democratic political regimes. Regarding this aspect and specifically concerning Caracas, two renowned academics, Allan Brewer Carias and Ricardo Combellas, who were members of the 1999 Constituent Assembly, are the authors of two interesting essays: “Characteristics of the Venezuelan Constituent Process” and “The Venezuelan Constituent Process,” both of which deserve to be read. Also noteworthy is the thesis of academic Gerardo Fernández regarding “bicameralism,” that is, the return to a congress composed of two chambers, the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, as in the 1961 Magna Carta, the source of four decades of democracy and undeniable progress.
3. The redefinition of the regime applicable to the Armed Forces, which demands adequate education for democratic civility, objectivity in the granting of ranks in the military career, adherence to the provisions of the Constitution and application of severe sanctions against any manifestations that qualify as coups d'état and other forms of so-called "military arbitration," a harmful way of understanding that soldiers are the bearers of the final word in judging governments, especially when these are the result of the exercise of the citizen vote and in accordance with the constitution and the laws,
4. The reaffirmation regarding compliance with the Law and the exercise of public power, which implies that any act of the State must be based on current law, producing no effect whatsoever if it does not conform to the legal order,
5. Efficient democracy, which determines the advancement of methodologies to displace “populism and demagoguery”, established under “a diversity of regimes infected by greed, ignorance, the desire for money and the passion to hold positions”, efficiency subject to the fact that through a regime acceptable stages of “social welfare” are materialized, through the optimization of resources for the sake of quality public services, including health and education, as well as the design of public policies that address the needs of the population and promote “equitable development”.
It is logically imperative that we understand, once and for all, that "democratic efficiency" demands decisive public management in the face of contemporary challenges. And, concomitantly, that "social welfare" requires that government measures seriously strive to ensure the quality of life and the rights of citizens.
6. The public powers—legislative, executive, and judicial—whose powers must be exercised in accordance with the principle of separation of powers and corresponding cooperation, an equation that undoubtedly fosters a better democracy, since this formula helps to avoid the concentration of authority in a single branch, a path to despotism. It is also often stated that this is an efficient way to prevent abuses of power, according to the principle that "power checks power," and that it promotes greater efficiency in government operations thanks to the technical specialization of state bodies. For the reasons stated, the maxim is expressed as follows: "the separation of powers, but in conjunction with collaboration among the legislative, administrative, and judicial branches."
7. The principle of legality, understood as that which determines that public authorities will always act within the framework of the law, since they are constitutionally legitimized to do only what the latter allows them to do,
8. The administration of justice, in charge of judges with solid training, a high degree of morality and the experience that such an important position demands, including “the punishment of crime and other infractions of the normative order, through sanctions proportionate to the transgressions and offenses,
9. Combat corruption, both public and private, with severe punishment and appropriate penalties, including the return to the public treasury of what has been stolen from it. The current situation has led to the inclusion of drug trafficking, whose voluminous proceeds in currencies of the most varied kinds, as well as the proliferation of hallucinogens, have caused serious concerns on the international stage. This circumstance has, with respect to Latin America, prompted the United States government to take control of a considerable part of the Atlantic and Pacific in a serious fight against such activities, which are undoubtedly harmful to humanity.
10. The direct election of state governors, regional legislators, and council members, an achievement that should be attributed to the distinguished Venezuelan Carlos Blanco, who, despite the political turmoil already affecting Venezuela, made significant progress toward the decentralization of presidential power. This legislation generated serious concern during the second administration of President Carlos Andrés Pérez, who, respectful of the democracy he had consolidated alongside Rómulo Betancourt, understood that the popular will expressed within the legislative branch had to be heard and fulfilled. The result today is undoubtedly beneficial.
11. Economic policy, defined, as we read, as “the appropriate selection of concrete means to which governments resort, and much more so if they are serious, in order to regulate or guide the activities of economic agents, for the purpose of the realization of certain macroeconomic goals.”
Dr. Miguel Rodríguez, recipient of top awards from prestigious universities and Minister of Planning during Carlos Andrés Pérez's second presidency, insists ad nauseam that "The Great Turnaround," that is, "the Economic Development Plan" he authored, would have transformed Venezuela into "the Switzerland of Latin America." Therefore, given the seriousness of this esteemed professor from IESA, his assessment must be included in this essay.
12. The rigorous exercise of democratic sanctioning power, in the face of the “political criminality” of unconstitutionally stripping the democratically attained government of its power through an attempted coup—an alternative, logically speaking, to the forty years of democracy built upon a democratic Magna Carta (1961), the most optimal Venezuela has ever had—swept away “The Great Turnaround,” as Dr. Rodríguez aptly described the “comprehensive development plan” being promoted by a popularly elected government. Such conduct, criminal in every respect, must be classified as a specific type of crime and subject to severe penalties. Therefore, it is a heading or guideline of the “Alphabet.”
13. Miscellaneous for the “Alphabet”: a. The integration of dissent into democracy, but bearing in mind that there are habitual, negotiable, and deceitful forms of dissent, b. The opening of political parties, a path to the democratization that characterized them, c. The requirement of minimum qualifications for elected and executive positions, d. A sincere demand to the various sectors of the country to join in the democratic restoration, and e. Embassies headed by people with the necessary preparation for such an important role and not rewards for reasons of friendship or other factors.
“The Alphabet” is not a stroke of genius. Rather, it is the result of a sincere concern for the future of a democratic Venezuela. It is understood that observing it will be more difficult than this perhaps irresponsible attempt to create it. Moreover, we Venezuelans know, in our opinion, without exception, that we sometimes indulge in the questionable art of “plowing in the void.”
And finally, the author of these lines is well aware that the "political prologue" has survived, at least in Athens, since the 6th century BC. Furthermore, since then, crises, both political and social, have been confronted, stemming from the fact that traditional forms of government, by failing to address reality, end up being rejected. We have also read the anecdote of Cleisthenes and the change he brought about with the creation of "democracy," a new system of government, a term composed of "demos," meaning people, and "krateîn," equivalent to governing.
Likewise, we are not unaware of the existence of the "abecé," the first three letters of the alphabet used in relation to third parties with little knowledge in areas they claim to know, refuting them with the expression "so-and-so does not even know the "abc" of politics, democracy, or the constitution."
We do not rule out that we are in that scenario, so "the alphabet" is limited to generating a smile.
President Carlos Andrés Pérez, however, might say, “Let’s get to work.”
«The opinions published herein are the sole responsibility of its author».